A response to Paul Krugman's "message to progressives": "Mr. Krugman, please let the Senate (and House) bill die"
So experts like Paul Krugman recommend that “we” progressives “take a deep breath”, set our ideological quibbles aside, and “pass the health care bill” (“Pass the Bill”, December 17, 2009, A. 35).
Not that Krugman thinks that the bill is good. Far from that, he grants that it is “way short of ideal” — that, indeed, the senators who crafted it may be motivated “largely by a desire to protect the interests of insurance companies” or, in the case of Senator Lieberman, by “sheer spite”. He further grants that in some cases, such as in financial matters, there is little to lose by letting die a bill that waters down financial reform to the point of meaninglessness. And yet, he fails to see that health care is in this respect no different from finance.
Remarkably, and his Nobel Prize in Economics notwithstanding, Krugman reasons fallaciously. He tells us that the case of the Senate (or House) bill is comparable to Social Security, a social insurance system that, while born “imperfect”, has become the bedrock of retirement stability for Americans.
But the healthcare bills are not social insurance – and Krugman should know this much. Social insurance systems are cooperative systems of savings, whose primary goal is to meet a basic need, and where profit plays no role. This is for instance the case of single payer health care, a Medicare for All type system that pools risk widely and is financed through a fixed and predictably affordable proportion of everybody’s income, and whose goal is to eliminate financial barriers to medically necessary care.
In contrast, both the Senate and House bills are blatant sellouts to corporate interests that, as Rep. Eric Massa compellingly argued, will “enshrine in law the monopolistic powers of the private health insurance industry” by making it a federal crime, for the first time in American history, to not buy their products.
Maybe it is Krugman who should learn from history. If he did, he would learn that Otto von Bismarck, first chancellor of the German Empire, implemented the first government-sponsored social insurance system (back in 1883) not because he cared about the welfare of workers (at least not necessarily) but rather because he considered their social insecurity to be “a peril to the state”. Bismarck had learned that much from the (failed) 1848 Revolutions and the Paris Commune, which showed him that distressed workers meant business.
History would also teach Krugman that the British government implemented “socialized medicine” heeding the advice of a lord and in the aftermath of WWII, with an economy in shambles and confronted with the danger of great social unrest. Or he might learn that more recently Taiwan passed single payer health care (from scratch, basically) because the party with a Parliamentary majority would have otherwise been voted out of office by an opposition that supported single payer.
Were Mr. Krugman able to learn from history he would learn that no major progressive legislation tending to greater social justice and equity passed without a fight, elsewhere or in the United States. He would also learn that what makes legislation politically feasible is not what politicians are willing to do – it never has been – but rather the cost of their not doing what their constituents demand.
Yes, I suspect that if Krugman learned from history his “message to progressives” would be quite different.










Thanks Laura.
Let me clarify about the Netherlands, however, because it is an exception rather than the rule. As of 2006 the system allows profit-making for a very limited amount of medically necessary care, and it is unclear that it is working.
The fact of the matter is, experience shows that Europeans and others have kept profit-making out of the financing of medically necessary care for decades, and for good reasons, as you point out: it now only fails to do the job but also the little it does it does at great economic costs. So in health care good morality (providing a right to health care) and sound economics (doing it at the least possible cost to a nation) coincide, thankfully.
Here’s a letter to the editor in the San Francisco Chronicle where I challenge somebody who claimed, ambiguously in my opinion, that Europeans rely on “private insurance” and somehow manage to do well.
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2009/12/02/EDFQ1AT7RP.DTL&type=printable
The explanation for this “somehow” is no mystery: in Europe private insurers are forbidden by law to make a profit off of medically necessary services.
Thanks for your comments again and yes, we need to keep on fighting
I messed up the hyperlink in my previous comment so here is the plain link to Glenn Greenwald’s blog entry, “The Underlying Divisions in the Health Care Debate”: http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2009/12/18/corporatism/index.html
Thanks for this Claudia. We need to be making these arguments forcefully.
I also would like to add that it is crucial that people who oppose this current legislation challenge the characterization by those progressives who support it, like Krugman, that the division between us is that we are ideological and they are pragmatic. These labels are simplistic and inaccurate.
I don’t oppose this bill because it isn’t socialist enough, or because I believe that to make a profit off of illness is wrong. I would support a bill that did actually cover everyone through for-profit, but highly regulated insurance companies (as they do in the Netherlands, for example), even though I believe that system is morally and politically wrong. I oppose it because I see it for what it really is – a bailout of the insurance, pharmaceutical and health care industries by government that is an extreme advancement of corporatism (the merger of government and corporate power) and a huge threat to democracy and liberty.
Our position all along has been more pragmatic in the sense that we actually wanted to solve the problem of lack of access to health care and rising costs by adopting a model that has been proven to work elsewhere. The Democrats and their supporters have been focused on making up some new “solution” that conformed to their belief in the free market and their need to insure the profitability of their donor industries.
I would recommend reading Glenn Greenwald’s blog and the links he cites on this. A quote:
“Even if one grants the arguments made by proponents of the health care bill about increased coverage, what the bill does is reinforces and bolsters a radically corrupt and flawed insurance model and an even more corrupt and destructive model of “governing.” It is a major step forward for the corporatist model, even a new innovation in propping it up. How one weighs those benefits and costs — both in the health care debate and with regard to many of Obama’s other policies — depends largely upon how devoted one is to undermining and weakening this corporatist framework (as opposed to exploiting it for political gain and some policy aims).”